Mr. Moin Kikhia speaks at the National Council on U.S. - Libya Relations' 7th Annual Conference in Washington D.C.

4th April 2025

Moin Kikhia, Chairman of the Libyan Democratic Institute, gave a speech at the National Council on U.S. - Libya Relations' 7th Annual Conference in Washington D.C. The conference explored Libya’s evolving business landscape and investment opportunities, featuring a special roundtable with the Libyan Minister of Health, Ramadan Abu Janah, as well as leaders from the Libyan business and investment community.

In his speech, Mr Kikhia spoke of the problems with the 1951 Constitution and the 13- State Solution, both of which frequently emerge in public discourse as supposed answers to Libya’s problems. Instead, he outlined a path forward for Libya, concluding that Libya should formalise decentralisation.

Old Solutions – Why They Don’t Work Today

Introduction

Abraham Lincoln once said, “The dogmas of the quiet past are inadequate to the stormy present... As our case is new, so we must think anew and act anew.”

His words capture a fundamental truth— progress demands fresh thinking and bold action. Clinging to outdated solutions will only hold us back.

As I stand before you today, I argue that Libya must embrace this mindset in shaping its future.

When discussing Libya’s path forward, two outdated solutions frequently emerge in public discourse as supposed answers to its problems: the 1951 Constitution and the 13- State Solution.

The 1951 Constitution

Let’s be clear: The 1951 Constitution is obsolete. It was written in a different era, under historical conditions that no longer exist. While it initially provided a foundation for Libya, modern realities render it incompatible with the country's progression.

The Constitution, designed for a hereditary monarchy under King Idris, is outdated in today's Libya, where the monarchy was abolished in 1969 and the Allied forces that influenced its creation have long departed. Reinstating this constitution would ignore the political transformations Libya has undergone and the need for a leadership structure that reflects its current realities.

Pursuing this avenue would only create more political deadlock.

The 13-States Solution

Similarly, the 13-State Solution, which proposes devolved power based on Libya’s historical election districts, no longer reflects the nation’s governance and security realities.

Libya has moved beyond this model, and attempting to implement it would be ineffective.

These states lack the military power and institutional authority to maintain control or enforce any form of rule. The west and south are dominated by militia groups, while the east is controlled by the army. Without effective coordination, these forces would remain fragmented and disjointed, fuelling instability and fanning the flames of chaos.

If only old solutions could fix new problems— but they cannot.

Libya needs a contemporaneous, practical approach that serves both its people and the wider world.

The Path Forward

Accepting the Reality of Division

We must acknowledge the reality that Libya is a divided country with two centres of power, one political and one military. Attempting to impose a solution that forces these power centres to unify would be futile and simply dangerous. Instead, Libya should formalise decentralisation.

Structuring a Functional System

Libya requires a clear and structured roadmap. One that establishes two self-governing regions, each with its own government, parliament, and security forces. This would allow for local control over governance, the economy, and security while ensuring that Libya remains a single, unified nation. Decentralisation does not mean division; rather, it provides a realistic framework for stability and effective governance.

However, for this model to succeed, certain institutions must remain centralised to prevent financial and political instability.

The Central Bank of Libya must continue to oversee economic stability and ensure fair revenue distribution, while the National Oil Corporation must manage Libya’s oil and gas resources under a unified structure.

A single Foreign Ministry is essential for maintaining Libya’s global presence, and a National Congress must act as the highest legislative authority, providing oversight and national direction.

Similarly, the Passport and Immigration Authority must regulate border security and national identity, while the High Court must ensure a unified legal framework.

The Libya Investment Authority must continue managing national wealth and sovereign investments to safeguard the country’s financial future.

Migration

Beyond governance, Libya faces an urgent and rapidly accelerating crisis: migration. With an estimated three to four million migrants now in the country, the strain on Libya’s resources and security has become unsustainable. If left unaddressed, this will lead to unprecedented levels of illegal immigration flooding into Europe. The scale of this challenge requires immediate and decisive action as part of any future governance framework.

Fixing Security and Militias

Compounding Libya’s security concerns is the presence of fragmented militias, which perpetuate a vicious cycle of violence and instability. To break this cycle, these militias must be integrated into formal security structures, ensuring greater control and coordination. Each region should manage its own security, while a national defence system would be integral to maintaining borders. Such integration would reduce the competition for power and support efforts towards national reconciliation.

Economic & Administrative Autonomy

Regarding Libya’s economic and administrative autonomy, each region should manage its own taxes, infrastructure, and economic policies. A fair and transparent revenue-sharing system must be established to ensure that all Libyans benefit from the country’s national wealth.

Decentralisation would reduce dependency on Tripoli, allowing for more efficient governance and faster, locally driven development. By empowering regional authorities, essential services can be tailored to meet the specific needs of each community, propelling economic growth and political stability across Libya.

Getting International Support

Libya needs regional and global recognition for a structured system that works for all.

With the support of international partners, we can rebuild our economy and strengthen security cooperation.

A well-structured system is key to reducing foreign interference and ending internal political struggles, paving the way for lasting peace and prosperity.

But, Libya cannot do this alone. This is where I appeal to you all not just as government and institutional representatives but as citizens of the world. Your support, your awareness, and your voice matter. A stable Libya benefits us all.

How to Make This Happen

So, how do we make this happen? It begins with kickstarting a national dialogue, a conversation that brings together all key stakeholders to reach a consensus on a new, more effective governance structure.

Next, we must implement gradual reforms that will shift power towards regional governments. This approach allows for a more decentralised system, ensuring that the decision-making is closer to the people it impacts.

Importantly, we must also allow for a transition period. During this phase, institutions will have the time they need to adjust to the new structure and adapt to their changing roles. This is required to provide certainty, enabling the transition to be sustainable and that full implementation can be carried out with minimal disruption. Once delivered, we can build a stronger Libya that truly works for everyone.

Conclusion

Libya has endured years of chaos, division, and uncertainty, yet we are still standing. While the current situation is far from perfect, it has brought with it crucial security, investment in infrastructure, the integration of most militias and most importantly has maintained peace through the ceasefire. The goal now is not to disrupt what works but to build on this foundation, ensuring that Libya remains stable, economically resilient, and politically secure.

This is not about division; it’s about creating a system that works for all Libyans. We must be unified in our desire to move forward and establish a better future.

In the end, we have a choice:

We can continue to keep fighting for total control, prolonging the cycle of conflict and division. Or we can choose to embrace a framework that allows Libya to move forward, rebuild, and finally achieve the prosperity its people have long deserved.

The time for outdated ideas has passed. The time for real, decisive action is now.